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FEATURES: No 5
‘Beat the retreat, army off Dartmoor’
Note of talk by Kate Ashbrook given at a debate organised
by the Dartmoor Society, 27 September 2003.

Kate began by explaining why the military should leave Dartmoor. She referred
to the eyesores caused by the military roads, huts, flags, poles, notices and
camps; the disturbance from noise and low flying, the fact that public access
was banned for much of year and that it made it difficult to regulate the
grazing and to deal with fire risk because of unexploded ordnance.
Turning to the history of Dartmoor as a national park and the military
occupation, Kate said that in this country there had long been a commitment to
protecting wilderness which went back at least to the early nineteenth century.
Even during Second World War there were plans to preserve our top landscapes.
The report by John Dower in 1945 on National Parks in England and Wales
quotes war-time debates which recognised the importance of protecting areas of
natural beauty. The areas recommended by Dower for national parks included the
military land of Dartmoor and Pembrokeshire Coast.
The Report of the National Parks Committee (Hobhouse Report) of 1947 considered
Dower’s proposals and recommended the designation of Dartmoor, while expressing
concern about the military occupation.
Many of the military structures were unlawful because they had been built on
common land without the required consent of the Minister.
The first inquiry into military use of Dartmoor opened in the summer of 1947 but
that inquiry, like every other to do with military training on Dartmoor, proved
to be a charade. Even before the inquiry opened, Devon County Council had been
drawn into agreeing to the use of 40,000 acres, leaving the objectors with a
fait accompli.
During the inquiry the proposed boundaries of the Dartmoor National Park as
recommended by the Hobhouse Committee were announced. However, the Hobhouse
report itself, which opposed military training on Dartmoor, was only released
the day after the inquiry ended.
The National Parks and Access to the Countryside Act 1949 followed and in 1951
Dartmoor was designated a national park despite the military presence, but there
was a great hope that the military presence would decline.
The access and amenity bodies gathered evidence of military abuse and in 1963
the Dartmoor Preservation Association published a pamphlet Military misuse of
Dartmoor which exposed much of the damage to ancient monuments, the tracks
and excrescences left by the military.
In 1973 the Nugent report was published. This committee had reviewed the
military landholdings in UK with view to improving access. But no fundamental
change was proposed, merely window dressing. John Cripps, a member of the Nugent
Committee, published a note of dissent for Dartmoor. He recommended a reduction
in use and a public inquiry into how the needs of the armed forces could be met
elsewhere.
This led to the Sharp inquiry for Dartmoor in 1975, but this was not the inquiry
Cripps had called for. It proved to be a sham because the terms of reference
were restricted to finding alternatives in the south-west of England only, which
everyone knew did not exist. So the result was more window-dressing, a few small
boundary changes and the establishment of a Dartmoor steering group.
This result was despite Lady Sharp’s admission:
I accept that military training and a national park are discordant,
incongruous and inconsistent
There can be no doubt that, on Dartmoor, military training is exceedingly
damaging to the national park |
And the military’s admission:
…these ranges have the greatest restriction of any areas in the UK
Lt Col Lowe GSO1, HQ, SW District.Other
things being equal, military training is best carried on outside national
parks
Major-General Pounds, Commanding the Commando Forces Royal
Marines. |
So clearly national park status imposed severe restrictions on the military
which was to their disadvantage too.
After this the opponents of military use stepped up their campaign to find and
report problems but this had little effect. In 1985 once again the Duchy of
Cornwall renewed the licences to the military for live firing on northern
Dartmoor.
In 1991, the Edwards Report on national parks was published, to celebrate the
fortieth anniversary of the parks. The report took a strong line on military
training.
The military use of land in the national parks is discordant,
incongruous and inconsistent with national park purposes, and its
discontinuance should be a long-term objective.
Live firing should be removed form national parks as quickly as possible
(with Dartmoor having high priority). |
Shortly after that the Duchy renewed the licences for a further 21 years. This
was particularly alarming because it was for an unprecedented length of time,
just when world defence requirements were changing radically, and despite a
telling report produced by the independent UK Centre for Economic and
Environmental Development, Military live firing in national parks, which
called for an independent inquiry into military use of national parks.
The Environment Act 1995 section 62 put a duty on relevant authorities to have
regard to park purposes and this was reaffirmed by the recent review of national
parks authorities in England. But there is little evidence that the Ministry of
Defence actually observes this duty.
Kate then set out why the organisations she represented, and many thousands of
visitors to Dartmoor, wanted the military off the moor.
The military presence created eyesores, such as prominent huts and flagpoles on
the skyline, rows of poles and notices. The military roads are themselves ugly
but, worse still, are used by civilian cars penetrating far into the wilderness
where no cars should be. The military create ugly tracks, they leave rubbish,
they erect portaloos, and generally suburbanise and degrade the wilderness.
On public access, she pointed out that the military hog the ranges for many more
days than they actually need them. In 2002, firing was advertised on 400 days,
but only took place on 276, so on more than three days out of every five the
public could have used the ranges had they known they were free.
There was the risk of fire which could not be controlled because of the danger
of unexploded missiles. She also challenged the military claims that they helped
create biodiversity, conserve the habitat and regulate grazing, arguing that we
didn’t need the military for that.
Although the military argued that their presence generated jobs and income, Kate
put the other side. Tourism also generates a huge income, and she quoted recent
figures for the South West Coast Path (£300 million a year, supporting 7,500
jobs) and from a Ramblers’ Association report (walkers generate £2.7 billion in
England each year, supporting 250,000 jobs). We needed a proper study into the
economic aspects of military training.
So what was to be done? The Duchy licences to the military expire on 29
September 2012 and it was not too early to start preparing for the military’s
departure. The Duchy and the national park authority should signal to the
military as soon as possible that the licences would not be renewed. That would
precipitate a wide-ranging inquiry into military needs and land use. Such an
inquiry should not be restricted to the south-west, or even to England but
should be on a global scale, looking at alternative methods of training too.
Dartmoor was a unique, wild landscape. For the thousands who love this place, it
provides inspiration and rejuvenation, peace and tranquillity and freedom for
body and spirit. It deserves to be treated with love and respect. Dartmoor has
always been denied a proper, independent, wide-ranging inquiry into its use by
the military. Now is the time to promote such an inquiry.
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